Victorian Fiction Research Guides

Chamber’s Journal 1854-1910 – Indexes to Fiction

Chambers’s Journal of Popular Literature, Science, and Art, later Chambers’s Journal (1854-1910)

67 vols.: Chambers’s Journal of Popular Literature, Science, and Art, 3rd Series 1-20 (7 Jan. 1854-26 Dec. 1863), 4th Series 1-20 (2 Jan. 1864-29 Dec. 1883), 5th Series 1-14 (5 Jan. 1884-27 Nov. 1897); Chambers’s Journal, 6th Series 1-13 (4 Dec. 1897-26 Nov. 1910). Issued weekly, but also available monthly. 3rd Series cumulated every six months; 4th, 5th and 6th Series cumulated annually. 5th Series 13 cumulates eleven months of issues.

Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal commenced publication in 1832 under the ownership and editorship of William and Robert Chambers. Chambers’s Journal ceased publication in 1956.

Proprietors

1854-1889 W. & R. Chambers

1890-1910 W. & R. Chambers, Ltd.

Editors

1854-1858 Leitch Ritchie

1858-1859 Leitch Ritchie and James Payn

1859-1873 James Payn

1873-1883 William Chambers (d. 20 May 1883) and Robert Chambers Jr

1883-1888 Robert Chambers Jr (d. 23 Mar. 1888)

1888-1910 Charles E.S. Chambers

INTRODUCTION

‘The passing of Chambers’s Journal will be regretted as that of a distinctive journal which has played a memorable part in the history of periodical literature for more than 120 years.’ So The Times marked the demise of Chambers’s Journal on 7 December 1956. At this time Chambers’s Journal, founded as Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal by William and Robert Chambers in 1832, was the second oldest surviving monthly magazine in Great Britain. Blackwood’s Magazine was the oldest. The closure of the Journal was forced by competition from newer forms of popular media – film, television and radio – and a circulation of 10,000, which could not justify investment in mass production. The Times duly reported the proud boast of Chambers’s Journal, which had been ‘published weekly between 1832 and 1931, that the periodical’s popularity in the nineteenth century was such that it ‘used more paper than all Scottish newspapers put together.’1 There were several reasons for the Journal’s success: its cheapness; astute judgement of its market; and efficient business management. The Journal was the flagship of a publishing concern which also specialised in reference works.

In his recollections James Payn, the editor from 1859 to 1873, portrays William Chambers as a self-made man who would tell the story of his rise to success ad nauseum and with a sentimentality which prompted gagged laughter. Payn delivered the stinging judgement that William ’was in no sense a man of letters; his style was bald, and his ideas mere platitudes.’2 Francis Watt, the author of the entries on William and Robert Chambers in the Dictionary of National Biography, is more generous: ’He had great business talents, and to him the success of the firm as a financial undertaking was chiefly due. He had no special literary faculty, but his writings exhibit strong common sense, and he knew how to make a subject interesting.’3

William Chambers’s discussion of the decision to publish a popular journal of instruction and entertainment in 1832 reveals some of that business acumen. At the time Robert and William had both worked hard to establish bookselling businesses, Robert was editing the Edinburgh Advertiser, and William was venturing into printing and publishing. Their first periodical, the fortnightly Kaleidoscope, or Edinburgh Literary Amusement, had run from 6 October 1821 until 12 January 1822, and only just paid expenses. It gave them valuable experience which they were able to capitalise on when conditions for cheap publishing improved. William cites several factors in the mid to late 1820s and early 1830s which ’brought to the surface new orders of readers, and besides, set a fashion for seeking recreation in books and periodicals, which was favourable to any cheapening of these engines of instruction and entertainment.’ These were the success of benevolent efforts to improve ’the intelligence and professional skill of artisans’ through the establishment of Schools of Arts, Mechanics’ Institutions, and the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge; the wide-ranging popularity of writers like Scott, Campbell, Wordsworth, Southey and Byron; improved newspaper, review and magazine publishing; and the political agitations which culminated in the passing of the First Reform Bill in 1832.

Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal, priced at three halfpence (when newspapers sold at 10d.), was to be conducted as ’a powerful engine of social improvement.’ By excluding politics and religion and adopting a sentimental moral ism which would ’purify the affections’ the proprietors hoped their journal would be ’universally acceptable to families.’4 William’s sense of what constituted ’improving’ literary propriety may be gauged by two promises in his 1832 editorial announcement. For women he would provide ’a nice amusing tale—no ordinary trash about Italian castles, and daggers, and ghosts in the blue chamber, and similar nonsense’ and for boys ’lots of nice little stories about travellers in Asia and Africa.’5 Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal under its various titles was an austere publication, illustrations being deliberately excluded, even when the journal faced severe competition from profusely illustrated magazines in the 1890s and 1900s. Illustrations, it was argued, appealed to the senses, rather than the intellect and moral feeling.6

William Chambers’s market judgement and Robert Chambers’s literary skills soon won the journal a steady circulation of around 80,000. After studying the role of irregular distribution and delivery in the failures of other cheap magazines, William worked to ensure efficient production and distribution arrangements for the Journal. When Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal found substantial markets in England and Ireland, it was also printed weekly in London and Dublin from stereotype plates. Its audience ranged from shepherds and lower-class London coffee-house patrons to such well-known writers as Charlotte Bronte, Walter Besant, Leigh Hunt, Thomas De Quincey, Harriet Martineau, and Mary Russell Mitford.7 So impressed was Thomas Arnold’s widow with Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal she ’requested her friend, Eliza Fletcher, the autobiographer, to inform the editor that, if it suited the plan of the Journal, he was at liberty to print extracts from Dr Arnold’s lectures on modern history or from any of his sermons to boys.’8 Robert Chambers’s writing, much of it for the Journal, appealed to his contemporaries. Francis Watt sums up his literary achievement: ’As a writer Chambers is vigorous, instructive and interesting. He knew a great deal of men and books, and in communicating his knowledge he remembered his own precept, that dulness is “the last of literary sins.” Thus he was well fitted to be a popular expounder of science and history. Occasional touches of humour give his writing additional interest. In treating, as he frequently did, of subjects treating Scottish character, he uses the Scottish dialect with singular force and effect.’9 It was, in part, Robert’s absorption in writing books like his controversial (and anonymously published) Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, rather than ’subjects illustrating Scottish character,’ which contributed to the growing ’bland and centrist’ tone of the Journal detected by William Donaldson, and attributed to encouraging penetration of the English periodical market by 1840.10

Given the social mission of Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal, it is scarcely surprising that Michael Feldberg should conclude that the Journal promoted emergent middle-class rather than working-class values.11 It also seems especially fitting that William’s passion for social improvement is commemorated in the civic history of Edinburgh by his key public roles in clearing and reconstruction of slum areas, bettering standards of public health, and the restoration of St. Giles’s Church.12

These indexes to the fiction published in Chambers’s Journal cover all of the Third, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Series, the period from January 1854, when ’Edinburgh’ was dropped from the title, to the Christmas Number of 1910. Relatively little fiction was published in the first two series, one of the prime aims of the proprietors having been to revive the eighteenth-century art of the essay. In its initial stages much reprinted material was published and for many years William and Robert Chambers were the sole, and later, principal contributors and editors. The first sub-editor, Thomas Smibert, contributed some 650 articles, stories, and biographical sketches in his five year connection with the Journal.13 As William and Robert Chambers became involved in expanded publishing or other literary interests they employed ’editorial assistants,’ who gradually assumed a larger share of the editorial responsibility. James Payn, in particular, seems to have been given a great deal of autonomy, although Robert Chambers, the brother who remained closer to the Journal, seems to have made some decisions about the size of payments to contributors.14 Nonetheless the guiding vision of William Chambers, and more ambivalently, Robert Chambers, was still apparent in 1910.

The change in direction of Chambers’s Journal in 1854—marked by its new subtitle, ‘of Popular Literature, Science, and Art’—did not win the unanimous approval of its readers. Perhaps fittingly the first serial, Wearyfoot Common, was written by the ’editorial assistant’ who presided over the change, Leitch Ritchie. Several letters of complaint about the attempt to reach a ’popular’ literary market survive. Wearyfoot Common is described variously as a disfigurement, trash, a cheapening of the journal to the level of Blackwood’s Magazine and the Family Herald, and, most amusingly, as of flagging interest to a practical masculine audience.15 This last disgruntled reader, though, who abhors the jarring shifts into the conventional registers of romance and portrayal of working-class characters, highlights Ritchie’s uncertainty about his audience. Ritchie tries to appeal to as wide a popular audience as possible, and is uncomfortable writing in these registers.

William Chambers, too, seems to have had reservations about what he saw as the ’lightness’ of some of the popular literature now appearing in his journal. He reportedly complained about the catastrophe in the form of being eaten by lions which overtook the villain of James Payn’s The Family Scapegrace (1861). While the serial was well-received in the Journal and by Robert Chambers, to whom Payn had read the manuscript, William ’would have preferred the subject of wild beasts to have been more “intelligently treated;” their various habitats to be described, and some sort of moral to be drawn from them.’16 Thereafter Payn’s authorship of serials in the Journal was concealed in the publishing records until 1873, when he relinquished the editorship over his, by then, irretrievably strained relationship with William. Lost Sir Massingberd (1864), Married Beneath Him (1864), The Clyffards of Clyffe (1865), Mirk Abbey (1866), One of the Family (1867), Blondel Parva (1868), Found Dead (1868), A Perfect Treasure (1869), A County Family (1869), Gwendoline’s Harvest (1870), Bred in the Bone (1870), Not Wooed, But Won (1871), Cecil’s Tryst (1871), A Woman’s Vengeance (1872), and Murphy’s Master (1873)—all published anonymously in the Journal—are attributed in the publishing records to an Arthur Thompson, whose address is given at one stage as care of J.P., the usual abbreviation of Payn’s name. Payn enjoyed the unflagging loyalty and friendship of Robert, whom he addressed in letters as ’My dear C’ and ’My dear Robertus.’17 It is clear Robert mediated between William and his valued protégé until his own death in 1871, and that Robert’s son acted in a similar, though less effective capacity between 1871 and 1873.

It was only the publication of James Payn’s Lost Sir Massingberd in 1864 which secured a larger market share for the reoriented Chambers’s Journal: it raised the circulation by some 20,000.18 Lost Sir Massingberd self-consciously and exuberantly plays its melodramatic, sensational and romantic elements to the hilt, indeed bordering on parody in its representations of the sickliness of Marmaduke Heath, the imperilled heir to the estate; the captive mad wife; and the romance between the sickly heir and the beautiful daughter of his rescuer. Payn has his dastardly villain in Sir Massingberd, a representative of the ’bloated aristocracy’ of an earlier era,19 and a series of Massingberd’s crimes and several mysteries are solved in the course of the plot. The crimes and mysteries range from the hackneyed to the inventive. Payn’s inventiveness is most evident in Massingberd’s fate: he is trapped and dies horribly in a hollow oak tree, while an extensive search and police investigation are conducted to no avail. The novel is well paced for intermittent reception occasioned by serial publication and the Victorian habit of family readings in the evenings. Leslie Stephen surrmarises well, and certainly ambivalently, his friend’s popular appeal (and the tastes of the low to middlebrow audience to which he so shrewdly marketed his novels):

the vivacity, the simplicity, and the kindly feeling which is always coming to the surface, make him a delightful showman for the creatures of his imagination. His sense of humour may sometimes lead him to take liberties with his reader; he cannot always resist a bit of downright burlesque; and if an incident is dramatic, he does not inquire too closely into probabilities. Like Dickens, he hates his villains with amusing fervour; and, instead of bestowing upon them some touch of human nature, blackens them so thoroughly they are only fit for starvation in hollow trees, or at the bottom of Cornish mines, or for boiling or immersion in lava streams, or for some other of the ingenious catastrophes from which their diabolical shrewdness can never save them. Of course, there is always a charming girl to fall in love with, and a happy ending … Perhaps to enjoy Payn thoroughly one should be thoroughly ’unsophisticated,’ dislike vice and villains, be indifferent to pessimistic philosophising and aesthetic refinement, and have a certain regard for morality and decency.20

Payn had no illusions whatsoever about the ’literary’ value of his fiction, although R.C. Terry has argued that Payn should be credited with some originality in his renovation of an old Gothic tradition.21 Payn was a man of renowned wit and good humour, a deflator of affectation, who loved to collect newspaper stories of bizarre deaths which confirmed the possibility of the ’ingenious’ ones in his novels. Even the gruesome death dealt Sir Massingberd was authenticated in this way.

Payn was generous in his advice to young and aspiring authors as editor of Chambers’s Journal, reader for Smith, Elder from 1874 to 1883, and editor of Cornhill Magazine from 1883 to 1896. He earned the affectionate sobriquet ’best of journalists.’ Typically he gave advice on how to win the popularity of a ’Scott Junior.’ Given William Chambers’s reservations about the ’improving’ quality of some of the popular fiction Payn published in Chambers’s Journal, it seems appropriate here to quote some of Payn’s advice, the accumulated wisdom of his editorial experience:

Whatever may be the merits of novels of characters, it is certain that they do not appeal to the great world of readers as those do which deal with dramatic situations and incidents. … I would warn young novelists against ’bad endings’; it is their weakness to indulge in them just as it is that of young poets to rhyme about premature death. Youth has the ’trick of melancholy.’ A few readers may sympathise with this feeling, but the majority exceedingly resent an unhappy termination to a story in which they have been interested. … [The] taste of the British novel-reader is as insular as his dwelling-place, and he prefers to read of places he has visited, and of customs with which he is familiar. … Almost all young writers cast their fiction in the autobiographical form, for indeed they are generally their own heroes. This has been done a few times only with success (as in the case of David Copperfield), even by great authors; with small ones it is a fatal error. There is always a great deal too much about the author’s boyhood, which, except to his mother, is absolutely uninteresting. ‘Boys will be boys,’ it is said by way of apology, and they need it. Some adults may want to have their schooldays over again, which only shows they have forgotten them— but they don’t want to read of other people’s schooldays. There is nothing duller than the reminiscences of boyhood, except those of girlhood [because the heroines ’yearn’ and the audience ’yawns’]. … Children are charming (and so are dogs) when they leaven a story, but they should not be allowed, any more than in real life, to occupy too much of the attention. … Dissertations and disquisitions should be avoided. Where his [Scott Junior’s] characters indulge in reflection, they should be as brief as epigrams, and, if possible, as pointed. There is nothing so tedious in fiction as a Hamlet hero. … [It] is certain that popularity most attends the writer who can attach Cupid to his chariot wheels. … ’A good plot,’ as Hotspur says, ’and full of expectation, an excellent plot.’22

His contributors at Chambers’s Journal evidently valued his advice, for they presented him in 1873 with a silver inkstand—his most prized possession—as a farewell gift. This gift would also have recognised his loyalty to contributors whose work he admired: among the fiction writers, Frances Browne, George Manville Fenn, John Berwick Harwood, Frances Cashel Hoey, Lewis Hough, Thomas Speight, Frederick Talbot and Henry Tinson.

In his recollections Payn pays generous tribute to Leitch Ritchie, who had recruited him to the staff of Chambers’s Journal in 1858 with the offer of coeditorship. Payn had attracted notice as a contributor to the Journal and to Household Words. Within a year ill-health forced Ritchie’s resignation and Payn assumed full editorship. Payn learnt from and came to admire in particular the breadth of Ritchie’s editorial capacity in deciding on scientific, literary, and factual contributions; his ability to be firm but courteous with contributors; and his intellectual thrift in ’reading up’ methodically and quickly on topics to be written on rather than storing the mind with general information. Ritchie was, he suggests, a respected art critic.23 Payn’s admiration was shared by the Chambers brothers; Ritchie’s handsome salary—£112 a quarter in 1855—is a good indication of the esteem in which his employers held his editorial skills. The entry on him in the Dictionary of National Biography suggests the extraordinary range of his writing, but notes he had made his name with the three volume Romance of the History of France and the letterpress of Turner’s Annual Tour, 1833 to 1835, and Heath’s Picturesque Annual, 1832 to 1845; his editorial experience before joining Chambers in 1845 had been acquired with Era, a paper specialising in sport and drama news, and Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs.24

Apart from the necessary but unpalatable connection with William Chambers, Payn relished editing Chambers’s Journal, and by 1861 had clearly demonstrated to the firm his value as editor. He was, however, not happy in Edinburgh: Scottish moralism offended him, and the severe climate threatened the health of his young family. When he determined to resign, however, Robert Chambers was so keen to retain him as editor that he arranged for Payn to edit the Journal from London, and moved there himself to work on his Book of Days. At much the same time Payn entered into an agreement to give the Journal exclusive rights to his serial fiction and journalism.25 Whether this agreement was a response to Robert’s courtesy or not is unclear.

After Payn resigned in 1873 William Chambers and Robert Chambers Junior assumed the editorship; on William’s death in 1883 it passed to Robert Chambers Junior. On his death the editorship was taken on by his son, Charles E.S. Chambers, who was still editing the Journal in its centennial year, 1932. These members of the Chambers family proudly maintained the traditions of the Journal. An 1899 press cutting from a trade journal among the W. & R. Chambers papers in the National Library of Scotland offers testimony to the reputation of Chambers’s Journal:

Solid instruction was the Dominant Characteristic of Chambers’s from the very first number. … In later times competitors have sprung up by the dozen; many of them owing to the light character of their literary contents and the fact that they are profusely illustrated, have leaped into amazing popularity. … In spite of all temptations he [Charles E.S. Chambers] has rigorously excluded illustrations from its pages, and though fiction of a high order of merit finds its rightful place, its character as a journal of sound instruction is still stoutly maintained. The great strides made in the matter of popular education, and the enforcement of compulsory attendance at our public elementary schools, have given birth to a vast army of readers possessed of a fair amount of general knowledge, and whose intellectual craving demands something more solid than the kind of stuff that is served up by the snippety order of publications. Chambers’s Journal is the very one to satisfy this demand …26

By this time a weekly issue of Chambers’s Journal cost 8d. and an annual subscription was 9s.6d. in Britain or abroad (including postage). It is reported elsewhere that its customary orange covers earned it the name ’best of yellowbacks.’27

Familiarity and reliability were important to the Journal’s image. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century it was edited conservatively, but in a manner which cultivated and serviced a stable section of the periodical market. The subtitle ‘of Popular Literature, Science, and Art’ was quietly dropped at the commencement of the Sixth Series in December 1897. At the same time extra Christmas numbers were reintroduced, a move prompted by competition from Windsor Magazine, Strand Magazine and Pearson’s Magazine. The change was promoted to the Journal’s readers in an article on the tradition and history of extra Christmas numbers in Chambers’s Journal under Payn’s editorship and in periodicals generally.28 More ‘empire’ fiction began to appear in the Journal after Payn’s departure, particularly during Charles Chambers’s editorship. This reflects both the impact of imperialist propaganda and ideology in the period29 and editorial perception of popular interest in the adventure of empire. A letter from T.A. Browne (’Rolf Boldrewood’) indicates, though, that Chambers— like Joseph Conrad’s early editors—perceived ’empire’ fiction to be fit for an audience of boys. (The popular success of the 1889 edition of Robbery Under Arms had brought Browne to the attention of the editor.)30

The proprietors and editors of Chambers’s Journal were very proud of its record of discovering and fostering new talent. Articles published in the Journal celebrate the fact that it published George Meredith’s first poem, Thomas Hardy’s first article, Arthur Conan Doyle’s first short story, and David Christie Murray’s first novel.31 (Murray was very popular in the 1880s and he figures alongside the well-established Walter Besant and Thomas Hardy as one of George Moore’s ’slatternly … literary hodmen’ who make ’puddings’ of language.)32 Among writers of fiction and in the period from 1854 to 1910 the Journal can also justifiably claim credit for giving crucial early encouragement to James Payn, whose success as a novelist could be measured by four-figure publishing contracts from the 1870s on; Grant Allen, whose The Woman Who Did would not have been published in the Journal; and E.W. Hornung, who went on to create Raffles, the cricketer and thief.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to thank the library staff at the University of Queensland and the National Library of Scotland for their courtesy and maintenance of congenial and efficient research facilities; the firm of W. & R. Chambers for its encouragement; La Trobe University for providing the study leave and travel grant which enabled me to visit the National Library of Scotland as part of a larger research trip to the United Kingdom; Professor Peter Edwards and the members of the Victorian Fiction Research Unit at the University of Queensland for their advice and support over many years; and Dr Norman Gardiner of La Trobe University for generously lending me James Payn books from his extensive collection of Victorian literature and drawing to my attention some useful information about and criticism of Payn.

  1. ‘End of Chambers’s Journal,’ The Times (London), 7 Dec. 1956, p. 7. []
  2. James Payn, Some literary recollections, 2nd ed. (London: Smith Elder, 1884), p. 141. []
  3. Sir Leslie Stephen & Sir Sidney Lee, ed. Dictionary of National Biography. From the Earliest Times to 1900, IV (Oxford: O.U.P., 1921-22), p. 29. []
  4. William Chambers, Memoir of Robert Chambers with Autobiographic Reminiscences of William Chambers (Edinburgh: W. & R. Chambers, 1872), pp. 222-224. []
  5. Quoted by W. Forbes Gray, ‘A Hundred Years Old: Chambers’s Journal, 1832-1932,’ Chambers’s Journal, (1932): 83. []
  6. William Chambers, Memoir, p. 234; and ‘About Some of Our Latest Contributors,’ Chambers’s Journal, 6th S 3 (1899/1900): 808. []
  7. Most of this information is contained in Gray’s centenary article. The quotation concerning Thomas Arnold’s widow is on p. 90. Reference is made to the the Journal’s popularity with coffee-house patrons by Louis James, Fiction for the Working Man 1830-1850: a study of the literature produced for the working classes in early Victorian urban England (London: O.U.P., 1963), p. 15. In this period coffee-houses were established and promoted as part of temperance campaigns among the working class. The campaigns encouraged the working class to direct its energies towards self-improvement. []
  8. Gray, p. 90. []
  9. D.N.B., IV, p. 25. []
  10. William Donaldson, Popular Literature in Victorian Scotland: language, fiction and the press (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1986), p. 14. []
  11. Michael Feldberg, ‘Knight’s Penny Magazine and Chambers’s Edinburgh Journal: A Problem in Writing Cultural History,’ Victorian Periodicals Newsletter, No. 3 (1968): 13-16. []
  12. The details are given in the D.N.B. entry on him. []
  13. Gray, p. 91. []
  14. James Payn, Letter to Robert Chambers, undated, Chambers papers, National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh, deposit 341/87. []
  15. ’A constant Reader,’ ’A True friend,’ and Mr Hawke, Letters to Leitch Ritchie, undated, 3 July 1854, and 16 May 1854 respectively, Chambers papers, National Library of Scotland, deposit 341/129. []
  16. Payn, Some literary recollections, p. 194. []
  17. ’Literary Labour Payments,’ 1858-71 and ’Notebook giving details of work published in the Journal and payments made for it, 1871-79,’ Chambers papers, National Library of Scotland, deposits 341/310 and 341/368; James Payn, Letters to Robert Chambers, various dates, Chambers papers, National Library of Scotland, deposit 341/87. []
  18. Forbes, p. 94. []
  19. The threat Sir Massingberd’s aristocratic villainy and manipulation of the law represents to the working class or social outsiders is thus displaced in time. His death by starvation and the installation of the rightful and upright heir on the estate quite literally reduces Massingberd’s bloatedness. Marmaduke Heath becomes more robust and effective after Massingberd’s death. []
  20. Leslie Stephen, Introduction, The Backwater of Life or Essays of a Literary Veteran, by James Payn (London: Smith Elder, 1899), pp. xxxiv-xxxv. []
  21. R.C. Terry, Victorian Popular Fiction, 1860-80 (London: Macmillan, 1983), p. 152. []
  22. James Payn, ’The Compleat Novelist,’ in his The Backwater of Life, pp. 152-170. []
  23. Some literary recollections, pp. 73, 154-155. []
  24. George Clement Boase, ’Leitch Ritchie,’ D.N.B., XVI, pp. 1210-1211. []
  25. Some literary recollections, p. 195. []
  26. Chambers papers, National Library of Scotland, deposit 341/107. []
  27. Editorial note, Gray, p. 83. []
  28. ’Christmas Numbers Old and New,’ Chambers’s Journal, 5th S 14 (1897): 641-643. []
  29. For a discussion of the pervasiveness of this ideology see John M. Mackenzie, Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880-1960 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984). []
  30. Chambers papers, National Library of Scotland, deposit 341/143. []
  31. Gray and ‘Some Notable Beginners in Chambers’s Journal,’ Chambers’s Journal, 5th S 12 (1895): 33-35. []
  32. George Moore, Confessions of a Young Man, ed. Susan Dick (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1972), pp. 155, 172-173. []

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